Towards a real democracy by Tricia Yeoh

The stronghold that was BN for 50 years was considered invincible and immutably guarded. But as the walls of Trojan have taught, it is the resolute movement of the people, silent but sure, that breaks down fixtures seemingly permanently in place.
Calls for change resounded across the country. The results of Malaysia’s 12th general election speak for themselves, resulting in the governance of five states (Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor) gained by non-Barisan Nasional (BN) coalitions and two-thirds majority lost by BN at Parliament level.
What was most surprising was the significant reduction in the percentage of popular vote received by the BN coalition, from 63% in 2004 to 51.2% nationally, and 49.8% excluding East Malaysia. The fact that just slightly more than half in Malaysia is in support of the present ruling government is shocking to say the least. An estimated 35% of the Chinese voted for the BN, 47% of the Indians and 58% of the Malays – showing a 30%, 35% and 5% swing respectively towards the opposition compared with the 2004 elections.
Some 16 million people out of Malaysia’s population of 27.5 million were eligible to vote. With 70% voter turnout out of the 10.2 million registered voters, Malaysia had an estimated 7.14 million people voting. Out of this, 51.2% voted for BN, giving a final figure of 3.66 million Malaysians in support of the coalition government.
Gerakan suffered the most, losing 80% of its Parliament seats, MIC 67%, MCA 51.6% and Umno 27.5%. The opposition gained significantly, with Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) gaining 30 new parliamentary seats, and DAP and PAS 16 each.
The BN secured a 63% representation in Parliament to form the next government, compared with its 91% achievement in the previous 2004 elections. Reduced to 140 seats in the Dewan Rakyat, it will now have to contend with increasingly heated debates as discussions ensue on Bills, the Constitution, Budget and national level affairs. This is a natural step towards an enhanced democracy, one that augurs well for Malaysia’s much-publicised dream of achieving developed-nation status.
Whilst most were shocked at the astounding results, it is not altogether surprising. As BN leaders set up independent panels to uncover the "real" reasons behind their failure, many should have seen this coming a mile away.
All elements were in place for the "perfect storm". Rising prices, increasing crime rates, the rise in inter-ethnic and inter-religious tension, and unaddressed corruption led to the widely held perception that the government was not doing its job satisfactorily. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s style of leadership exacerbated these inherited problems. Another catalyst was the internet, playing-ground for information dissemination, opinion shaping and mass organisation of individuals into groups.
That all Malaysians believed in a new alternative opposition is untrue. The reality is that many were exercising a punishment vote against the incumbent Government.
The winds of change blew against racial politics towards a needs-based policy regardless of race, aligned along principles of justice and equality. However, the Chinese and Indians had nothing to lose in placing their bets on an alternative policy giving equal opportunity, since many consider having been on the losing end anyway.
It was the Malays that had to play a risky gamble. Since the opposition stated in no uncertain terms its plan to get rid of the New Economic Policy (NEP), surely this would have convinced Malays to vote the BN?
The surprise swings were in the states of Perak and Selangor, the more urban of Peninsular Malaysia’s regions. Historically, urbanisation increased the number of Malays in city centres, forming more mixed seats to the advantage of BN.
The trend shifted this year, with urban Malays perhaps conceding that ethnic-based affirmative action is no longer relevant in today’s competitive society. The BN mantra of "racial representation" seems to be watering down in favour of "representation by principle".
The "Anwar factor" has rocked the boat, with Malay majority seats won by DAP, a party conventionally shunned by Malays; and the Chinese were willing to put aside their distrust of Anwar because of the PKR-DAP relationship. Hence, the DAP-PKR alliance earned brownie points for both parties in the Malay and Chinese communities.
It requires a colossal paradigm shift to envision BN weakened and the opposition forming new state governments. This heralds a new era, one that perhaps sees the beginnings of a two-party system based on ideological principles. Race-based systems will be a thing of the past and parties should strategise likewise, in accordance to current trends.
The next four years will be a probation period for the three parties, and they must optimise the public’s trust. This one opportunity has been granted and many will be ready to criticise should they fall into the same trap of greed and cronyism.
DAP needs to reassure its Malay constituents that it stands equally for all rights, including bumiputra interests. It is time to reconcile its ideological principles and focus on areas of common values, objectives and strategies to fulfil pre-elections promises.
Immediate work must be done, legislating local council elections; ensuring media freedom; declassifying information for public accessibility; and initiating electoral reform. It would be a great pity if Malaysia loses its momentum on achieving real policy reform due to administrative conflict. The road to real democracy begins here, and it should not be marred by political infighting. The people cannot be disappointed again.
The writer is the director of the Centre for Public Policy Studies. Comments: feedback@thesundaily.com